Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, Washington, DC., 1976.Lisa Levenstein, "'Don't Agonize, Organize! Those who favored autonomy argued that women should make a clean break with the hierarchical, male-dominated political organizations of the past, and create their own organizations in which they don't have to constantly justify the importance of their projects to men. Exacerbating the tension is the fact that many of the Nicaraguan women who line up on opposing sides of the debate were once comrades in the Sandinista Front. Throughout the late 18th, 19th, and early 20th century, First Wave Feminism was what roiled the American political scene. While there are several well-known feminists in key positions in SERNAM, the majority of the appointees, including the director, are women who have little history or experience working in or with women's organizations. NACLA | c/o NYU CLACS, 53 WASHINGTON SQ. 2008 Britannica Book of the Year. Interview by Feminist International Radio Endeavor (FIRE), for the four-part series "Historia de Género en Centroamerica. " Bridging their differences, a number of the women at the encuentro felt that given the diversity of women activists and the degree to which their personal as well as political lives may be in flux, women may feel comfortable in different organizational forms at different points in time, or may burn out in one organizational form but blossom in another. Memorias: Encuentro Centroamericano de Murjeres: Historia de Género, Una Nueva Mujer, Un Nuevo Poder, March, 1993, Managua, Nicaragua, p. 180. The transition to democratic rule did not, however, abolish the essentially patriarchal and racist character of the Brazilian state. Nor did it slow down the rush to neoliberal state policies. This makes it possible for a certain number of women to devote themselves fulltime to working for change on behalf of women and to promoting general projects that are “gender-conscious."
The encuentro was a significant milestone in Latin America's nascent women's movement. Autonomous women's institutions and organizations, most activists believe, play an important role by providing a safe place for women to recharge their batteries, accumulate independent resources, and unleash their creativity.
"We feminists began to talk about wanting power at a very difficult moment in history, at precisely that moment when the power slipped away from our closest allies, that is, leftist men," veteran Dominican feminist Magali Piñeda observed.
Central American women are not alone in debating the question of how women's movements should relate to the state, to each other, and to other progressive sectors, organizations and issues. 4W, NEW YORK, NY 10012 | TEL: (212) 992-6965Under the healing rays of the sun and the salty ocean air, some 500 Central American women gathered at the beach resort of Montelimar, Nicaragua in March of last year to discuss the question of power.
It thus gives a public, state-legitimized face to the struggle against discrimination against women.
The focal point of much of the Brazilian feminist movement, however, continues to be the state. 'Journal of American HistoryBrunell, Laura (2008).
This debate was a reflection of that taking place in Nicaragua where tensions have appeared between independent feminists and female political-party militants. How can a feminist current be injected into other Struggles without forcing them to be ranked in order of importance? Stay tuned for more updates.NACLA relies on our supporters to continue our important work. Second wave (women's life) -sparked by Betty Friedan, publicized the frustration college-educated housewives felt from trapping to … They contended that women should present the state and their social, religious, educational, and political organizations with gender-specific and feminist demands, such as the right to autonomous women's spaces within and outside other sectoral and political organizations, direct representation of women's interests, and the promotion of women's leadership and women electoral candidates at the municipal and national levels. Moreover, the women in autonomous organizations can also still pursue close links to women who are organized or can potentially be organized around other issues and movements–for example, human rights, class, neighborhood, religion, environment, or ethnicity. In the latter three countries, feminism was born out of war and revolution, with all the deprivations and sacrifices cataclysmic events brought with them. Sign up for our NACLA Update for announcements, events, the latest articles, and more! Nevertheless, the women's movement seems to have been, to a large extent, marginalized by political parties since the transition to electoral democracy. This diversity is both a reflection of the great vitality and strength of the women's movement in this profoundly conservative era and an enormous strategic challenge. The political, economic, and cultural room within which feminism has to maneuver in the Southern Cone (as well as Mexico and Costa Rica) still seems great in comparison to the obstacles that feminists and women activists still have to overcome in Nicaragua, El Salvador and Guatemala. Alvarez in Jacquette, ed., The Women's Movement. 5. "Feminism Re-Imagined: The Third Wave." Black women educated conference participants about the pain and joy of the black female experience in the Central American context, and Indian women conducted a workshop comparing and contrasting Indian and mestiza women's identities and relations. The women spiritedly debated how much and what kind of autonomy should be sought in the consolidation of Central American feminism. In Chile, for example, where women played a central role in resistance to the military dictatorship, the feminist movement has worked hard to push for the inclusion of women's demands in the platforms and agendas of political parties, and to generate awareness of women as a political constituency.
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